The Truman Doctrine speech by Harry S Truman Famous Speeches, Speaches, Speechs
The Truman Doctrine speech by Harry S Truman Summary and Purpose
Introduction
On Friday, February 21, 1947, the British Embassy informed the U.S. State
Department officials that Great Britain could no longer provide financial aid
to the governments of Greece and Turkey. American policymakers had been monitoring
Greece's crumbling economic and political conditions, especially the rise of
the Communist-led insurgency known as the National Liberation Front, or the
EAM/ELAS. The United States had also been following events in Turkey, where
a weak government faced Soviet pressure to share control of the strategic Dardanelle
Straits. When Britain announced that it would withdraw aid to Greece and Turkey,
the responsibility was passed on to the United States.
In a meeting between Congressmen and state department officials, Undersecretary
of State Dean Acheson articulated what would later become known as the domino
theory. He stated that more was at stake than Greece and Turkey, for if those
two key states should fall, Communism would likely spread south to Iran and
as far east as India. Acheson concluded that not since the days of Rome and
Carthage had such a polarization of power existed. The stunned legislators agreed
to endorse the program on the condition that President Truman stress the severity
of the crisis in an address to Congress and in a radio broadcast to the American
people.
Addressing a joint session of Congress on March 12, 1947, President Harry S.
Truman asked for $400 million in military and economic assistance for Greece
and Turkey and established a doctrine, aptly characterized the Truman Doctrine,
that would guide U.S. diplomacy for the next forty years. President Truman declared,
"It must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who
are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures."
The sanction of aid to Greece and Turkey by a Republican Congress indicated
the beginning of a long and enduring bipartisan cold war foreign policy. The
Truman Doctrine has raised profound questions from historians regarding its
origins, long-term consequences, and the relationship between domestic and foreign
policy. However, one thing is for certain, the Truman Doctrine signaled America's
post war embrace of global leadership and ended its longstanding policy of isolationism.
The Truman Doctrine speech by Harry S Truman
March 12th 1947
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress of the United States.
The gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates
my appearance before a joint session of the Congress. The foreign policy and
the national security of this country are involved.
One aspect of the present situation, which I present to you at this time for
your consideration and decision, concerns Greece and Turkey.
The United States has received from the Greek Government an urgent appeal
for financial and economic assistance. Preliminary reports from the American
Economic Mission now in Greece corroborate the statement of the Greek Government
that assistance is imperative if Greece is to survive as a free nation.
I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to turn a
deaf ear to the appeal of the Greek Government.
Greece is not a rich country. Lack of sufficient natural resources has always
forced the Greek people to work hard to make both ends meet. Since 1940, this
industrious, peace loving country has suffered invasion, four years of cruel
enemy occupation, and bitter internal strife.
When forces of liberation entered Greece they found that the retreating Germans
had destroyed virtually all the railways, roads, port facilities, communications,
and merchant marine. More than a thousand villages had been burned. Eighty-five
percent of the children were tubercular. Livestock, poultry, and draft animals
had almost disappeared. Inflation had wiped out practically all savings.
As a result of these tragic conditions, a militant minority, exploiting human
want and misery, was able to create political chaos which, until now, has made
economic recovery impossible.
Greece is today without funds to finance the importation of those goods which
are essential to bare subsistence. Under these circumstances the people of Greece
cannot make progress in solving their problems of reconstruction. Greece is
in desperate need of financial and economic assistance to enable it to resume
purchases of food, clothing, fuel and seeds. These are indispensable for the
subsistence of its people and are obtainable only from abroad. Greece must have
help to import the goods necessary to restore internal order and security so
essential for economic and political recovery.
The Greek Government has also asked for the assistance of experienced American
administrators, economists and technicians to insure that the financial and
other aid given to Greece shall be used effectively in creating a stable and
self-sustaining economy and in improving its public administration.
The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the terrorist
activities of several thousand armed men, led by Communists, who defy the government’s
authority at a number of points, particularly along the northern boundaries.
A Commission appointed by the United Nations Security Council is at present
investigating disturbed conditions in northern Greece and alleged border violations
along the frontier between Greece on the one hand and Albania, Bulgaria, and
Yugoslavia on the other.
Meanwhile, the Greek Government is unable to cope with the situation. The
Greek army is small and poorly equipped. It needs supplies and equipment if
it is to restore authority to the government throughout Greek territory.
Greece must have assistance if it is to become a self-supporting and self-respecting
democracy. The United States must supply this assistance. We have already extended
to Greece certain types of relief and economic aid but these are inadequate.
There is no other country to which democratic Greece can turn.
No other nation is willing and able to provide the necessary support for a
democratic Greek government. The British Government, which has been helping
Greece, can give no further financial or economic aid after March 31. Great
Britain finds itself under the necessity of reducing or liquidating its commitments
in several parts of the world, including Greece.
We have considered how the United Nations might assist in this crisis. But
the situation is an urgent one requiring immediate action, and the United Nations
and its related organizations are not in a position to extend help of the kind
that is required.
It is important to note that the Greek Government has asked for our aid in utilizing
effectively the financial and other assistance we may give to Greece, and in
improving is public administration. It is of the utmost importance that we supervise
the use of any funds made available to Greece, in such a manner that each dollar
spent will count toward making Greece self-supporting, and will help to build
an economy in which a healthy democracy can flourish.
No government is perfect. One of the chief virtues of a democracy, however,
is that its defects are always visible and under democratic processes can be
pointed out and corrected. The government of Greece is not perfect. Nevertheless
it represents 85 percent of the members of the Greek Parliament who were chosen
in an election last year. Foreign observers, including 692 Americans, considered
this election to be a fair expression of the views of the Greek people.
The Greek Government has been operating in an atmosphere of chaos and extremism.
It has made mistakes. The extension of aid by this country does not mean that
the United States condones everything the Greek Government has done or will
do. We have condemned in the past, and we condemn now, extremist measures of
the right or the left. We have in the past advised tolerance, and we advise
tolerance now.
Greece’s neighbour, Turkey, also deserves our attention. The future
of Turkey as an independent and economically sound state is clearly no less
important to the freedom-loving peoples of the world than the future of Greece.
The circumstances in which Turkey finds itself today are considerably different
from those of Greece. Turkey has been spared the disasters that have beset Greece.
And during the war, the United States and Great Britain furnished Turkey with
material aid.
Nevertheless, Turkey now needs our support. Since the war Turkey has sought
additional financial assistance from Great Britain and the United States for
the purpose of effecting that modernization necessary for the maintenance of
its national integrity.
That integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the Middle East.
The British Government has informed us that, owing to its own difficulties,
it can no longer extend financial or economic aid to Turkey. As in the case
of Greece, if Turkey is to have the assistance it needs, the United States must
supply it. We are the only country able to provide that help.
I am fully aware of the broad implications involved if the United States extends
assistance to Greece and Turkey, and I shall discuss these implications with
you at this time. One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the
United States is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will
be able to work out a way of life free from coercion. This was a fundamental
issue in the war with Germany and Japan. Our victory was won over countries
which sought to impose their will, and their way of life, upon other nations.
To ensure the peaceful development of nations, free from coercion, the United
States has taken a leading part in establishing the United Nations. The United
Nations is designed to make possible lasting freedom and independence for all
its members. We shall not realize our objectives, however, unless we are willing
to help free peoples to maintain their free institutions and their national
integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian
regimes. This is no more than a frank recognition that totalitarian regimes
imposed upon free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations
of international peace and hence the security of the United States.
The peoples of a number of countries of the world have recently had totalitarian
regimes forced upon them against their will. The Government of the United States
has made frequent protests against coercion and intimidation, in violation of
the Yalta. Agreement, in Poland, Rumania, and Bulgaria. I must also state that
in a number of other countries there have been similar developments.
At the present moment in world history nearly every nation must choose between
alternative ways of life. The choice is too often not a free one. One way of
life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free institutions,
representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty,
freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression.
The second way of life is based upon the will of a minority forcibly imposed
upon the majority. It relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled press
and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms. I believe
that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who
are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.
I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies
in their own way. I believe that our help should be primarily through economic
and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political
processes. The world is not static, and the status quo is not sacred. But we
cannot allow changes in the status quo in violation of the Charter of the United
Nations by such methods as coercion, or by such subterfuges as political infiltration.
In helping free and independent nations to maintain their freedom, the United
States will be giving effect to the principles of the Charter of the United
Nations.
It is necessary only to glance at a map to realize that the survival and integrity
of the Greek nation are of grave importance in a much wider situation. If Greece
should fall under the control of an armed minority, the effect upon its neighbour,
Turkey, would be immediate and serious. Confusion and disorder might well spread
throughout the entire Middle East.
Moreover, the disappearance of Greece as an independent state would have a
profound effect upon those countries in Europe whose people are struggling against
great difficulties to maintain their freedoms and their independence while they
repair the damages of war.
It would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries, which have struggled
so long against overwhelming odds, should lose that victory for which they sacrificed
so much. Collapse of free institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous
not only for them but for the world. Discouragement and possible failure would
quickly be the lot of neighbouring peoples striving to maintain their freedom
and independence.
Should we fail to aid Greece and Turkey in this fateful hour, the effect will
be far reaching to the West as well as to the East.
We must take immediate and resolute action.
I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance to Greece
and Turkey in the amount of $400,000,000 for the period ending June 30, 1948.
In requesting these funds, I have taken into consideration the maximum amount
of relief assistance which would be furnished to Greece out of the $350,000,000
which I recently requested that the Congress authorize for the prevention of
starvation and suffering in countries devastated by the war.
In addition to funds, I ask the Congress to authorize the detail of American
civilian and military personnel to Greece and Turkey, at the request of those
countries, to assist in the tasks of reconstruction, and for the purpose of
supervising the use of such financial and material assistance as my be furnished.
I recommend that authority also be provided for the instruction and training
of selected Greek and Turkish personnel.
Finally, I ask that the Congress provide authority which will permit the speediest
and most effective use, in terms of needed commodities, supplies, and equipment,
of such funds as may be authorized. If further funds, or further authority,
should be needed for the purposes indicated in this message, I shall not hesitate
to bring the situation before the Congress. On this subject the Executive and
Legislative branches of Government must work together.
This is a serious course upon which we embark. I would not recommend it except
that the alternative is much more serious.
The United States contributed $341,000,000,000 toward winning World War II.
This is an investment in world freedom and world peace.
The assistance that I am recommending for Greece and Turkey amounts to little
more than 1/10 of 1 percent of this investment. It is only common sense that
we should safeguard this investment and make sure that it was not in vain. The
seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want. They spread and
grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife. They reach their full growth when
the hope of a people for a better life has died.
We must keep that hope alive.
The free peoples of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedoms.
If we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the world –
and we shall surely endanger the welfare of this Nation. Great responsibilities
have been placed upon us by the swift movement of events. I am confident that
the Congress will face these responsibilities squarely.
Harry S Truman speech - The Truman Doctrine - March 12th 1947
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