Freedom From Fear by Aung San Suu Kyi
Aung San Suu Kyi's essay - Freedom from Fear was first released for publication
to commemorate the European Parliament's awarding to her of the 1990 Sakharov
Prize for Freedom of Thought. The award ceremony took place in her absence at
Strasbourg on 10 July 1991.
Freedom From Fear by Aung San Suu Kyi
It is not power that corrupts but fear.Fear of losing power corrupts those
who wield it and fear of the scourge of power corrupts those who are subject
to it. Most Burmese are familiar with the four a-gati, the four kinds of corruption.
Chanda-gati, corruption induced by desire, is deviation from the right path
in pursuit of bribes or for the sake of those one loves. Dosa-gati is taking
the wrong path to spite those against whom one bears ill will, and moga-gati
is aberration due to ignorance. But perhaps the worst of the four is bhaya-gati,
for not only does bhaya, fear, stifle and slowly destroy all sense of right
and wrong, it so often lies at the root of the other three kinds of corruption.
Just as chanda-gati, when not the result of sheer avarice, can be caused by
fear of want or fear of losing the goodwill of those one loves, so fear of being
surpassed, humiliated or injured in some way can provide the impetus for ill
will. And it would be difficult to dispel ignorance unless there is freedom
to pursue the truth unfettered by fear. With so close a relationship between
fear and corruption it is little wonder that in any society where fear is rife
corruption in all forms becomes deeply entrenched.
Public dissatisfaction with economic hardships has been seen as the chief cause
of the movement for democracy in Burma, sparked off by the student demonstrations
1988. It is true that years of incoherent policies, inept official measures,
burgeoning inflation and falling real income had turned the country into an
economic shambles. But it was more than the difficulties of eking out a barely
acceptable standard of living that had eroded the patience of a traditionally
good-natured, quiescent people - it was also the humiliation of a way of life
disfigured by corruption and fear.
Freedom From Fear
The students were protesting not just against the death of their comrades but
against the denial of their right to life by a totalitarian regime which deprived
the present of meaningfulness and held out no hope for the future. And because
the students' protests articulated the frustrations of the people at large,
the demonstrations quickly grew into a nationwide movement. Some of its keenest
supporters were businessmen who had developed the skills and the contacts necessary
not only to survive but to prosper within the system. But their affluence offered
them no genuine sense of security or fulfilment, and they could not but see
that if they and their fellow citizens, regardless of economic status, were
to achieve a worthwhile existence, an accountable administration was at least
a necessary if not a sufficient condition. The people of Burma had wearied of
a precarious state of passive apprehension where they were 'as water in the
cupped hands' of the powers that be.
Emerald cool we may be
As water in cupped hands
But oh that we might be
As splinters of glass
In cupped hands.
Glass splinters, the smallest with its sharp, glinting power to defend itself
against hands that try to crush, could be seen as a vivid symbol of the spark
of courage that is an essential attribute of those who would free themselves
from the grip of oppression. Bogyoke Aung San regarded himself as a revolutionary
and searched tirelessly for answers to the problems that beset Burma during
her times of trial. He exhorted the people to develop courage: 'Don't just depend
on the courage and intrepidity of others. Each and every one of you must make
sacrifices to become a hero possessed of courage and intrepidity. Then only
shall we all be able to enjoy true freedom.'
Freedom From Fear
The effort necessary to remain uncorrupted in an environment where fear is
an integral part of everyday existence is not immediately apparent to those
fortunate enough to live in states governed by the rule of law. Just laws do
not merely prevent corruption by meting out impartial punishment to offenders.
They also help to create a society in which people can fulfil the basic requirements
necessary for the preservation of human dignity without recourse to corrupt
practices. Where there are no such laws, the burden of upholding the principles
of justice and common decency falls on the ordinary people. It is the cumulative
effect on their sustained effort and steady endurance which will change a nation
where reason and conscience are warped by fear into one where legal rules exist
to promote man's desire for harmony and justice while restraining the less desirable
destructive traits in his nature.
In an age when immense technological advances have created lethal weapons which
could be, and are, used by the powefful and the unprincipled to dominate the
weak and the helpless, there is a compelling need for a closer relationship
between politics and ethics at both the national and international levels. The
Universal Declaration of Human Rights of the United Nations proclaims that 'every
individual and every organ of society' should strive to promote the basic rights
and freedoms to which all human beings regardless of race, nationality or religion
are entitled. But as long as there are governments whose authority is founded
on coercion rather than on the mandate of the people, and interest groups which
place short-term profits above long-term peace and prosperity, concerted international
action to protect and promote human rights will remain at best a partially realized
struggle. There willcontinue to be arenas of struggle where victims of oppression
have to draw on their own inner resources to defend their inalienable rights
as members of the human family.
Freedom From Fear
The quintessential revolution is that of the spirit, born of an intellectual
conviction of the need for change in those mental attitudes and values which
shape the course of a nation's development. A revolution which aims merely at
changing official policies and institutions with a view to an improvement in
material conditions has little chance of genuine success.
Without a revolution of the spirit, the forces which produced the iniquities
of the old order would continue to be operative, posing a constant threat to
the process of reform and regeneration. It is not enough merely to call for
freedom, democracy and human rights. There has to be a united determination
to persevere in the struggle, to make sacrifices in the name of enduring truths,
to resist the corrupting influences ofdesire, ill will, ignorance and fear.
Saints, it has been said, are the sinners who go on trying. So free men are
the oppressed who go on trying and who in the process make themselves fit to
bear the responsibilities and to uphold the disciplines which will maintain
a free society. Among the basic freedoms to which men aspire that their lives
might be full and uncramped, freedom from fear stands out as both a means and
an end. A people who would build a nation in which strong, democratic institutions
are firmly established as a guarantee against state-induced power must first
learn to liberate their own minds from apathy and fear.
Freedom From Fear
Always one to practise what he preached, Aung San himself constantly demonstrated
courage - not just the physical sort but the kind that enabled him to speak
the truth, to stand by his word, to accept criticism, to admit his faults, to
correct his mistakes, to respect the opposition, to parley with the enemy and
to let people be the judge of his worthiness as a leader. It is for such moral
courage that he will always be loved and respected in Burma - not merely as
a warrior hero but as the inspiration and conscience of the nation. The words
used by Jawaharlal Nehru to describe Mahatma Gandhi could well be applied to
Aung San:
'The essence of his teaching was fearlessness and truth, and action allied
to these, always keeping the welfare of the masses in view.'
Gandhi, that great apostle of non-violence, and Aung San, the founder of a
national army, were very different personalities, but as there is an inevitable
sameness about the challenges ofauthoritarian rule anywhere at any time, so
there is a similarity in the intrinsic qualities of those who rise up to meet
the challenge. Nehru, who considered the instillation of courage in the people
of India one of Gandhi's greatest achievements, was a political modernist, but
as he assessed the needs for a twentieth-century movement for independence,
he found himself looking back to the philosophy of ancient India: 'The greatest
gift for an individual or a nation . .. was abhaya, fearlessness, not merely
bodily courage but absence of fear from the mind.'
Fearlessness may be a gift but perhaps more precious is the courage acquired
through endeavour, courage that comes from cultivating the habit of refusing
to let fear dictate one's actions, courage that could be described as 'grace
under pressure' - grace which is renewed repeatedly in the face of harsh, unremitting
pressure.
Freedom From Fear
Within a system which denies the existence of basic human rights, fear tends
to be the order of the day. Fear of imprisonment, fear of torture, fear ofdeath,
fear oflosing friends, family, property or means of livelihood, fear of poverty,
fear of isolation, fear of failure. A most insidious form of fear is that which
masquerades as common sense or even wisdom, condemning as foolish, reckless,
insignificant or futile the small, daily acts of courage which help to preserve
man's self-respect and inherent human dignity. It is not easy for a people conditioned
by fear under the iron rule of the principle that might is right to free themselves
from the enervating miasma of fear. Yet even under the most crushing state machinery
courage rises up again and again, for fear is not the natural state of civilized
man.
The wellspring of courage and endurance in the face of unbridled power is generally
a firm belief in the sanctity of ethical principles combined with a historical
sense that despite all setbacks the condition of man is set on an ultimate course
for both spiritual and material advancement. It is his capacity for self-improvement
and self-redemption which most distinguishes man from the mere brute. At the
root of human responsibility is the concept of peffection, the urge to achieve
it, the intelligence to find a path towards it, and the will to follow that
path if not to the end at least the distance needed to rise above individual
limitations and environmental impediments. It is man's vision of a world fit
for rational, civilized humanity which leads him to dare and to suffer to build
societies free from want and fear. Concepts such as truth, justice and compassion
cannot be dismissed as trite when these are often the only bulwarks which stand
against ruthless power.
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